“Setback in Myanmar”
The Army’s coup (आघात/आकस्मिक शासन परिवर्तन; a sudden illegal, often violent, taking of government power, especially by part of an army) in Myanmar seriously undermines (कमजोर कर देना; to make someone less confident or powerful) the gradual return to democracy
In one swift operation, Myanmar’s military establishment has wiped out (पूरी तरह से नष्ट/खत्म कर डालना; to destroy something completely) a decade of the country’s democratisation process (लोकतंत्रीकरण प्रक्रिया; the process of making countries or organizations use democratic ways of making decisions).
By arresting President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and the rest of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) leadership, and declaring military rule under a state of emergency for at least a year, General Min Aung Hlaing has made it clear that it is the military that is in charge, and he is not particularly concerned about the opposition to or condemnation (निंदा/ निंदा करना; to criticize something or someone strongly, usually for moral reasons) of the move.
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The immediate reason for the coup was that the newly elected National Assembly was due to meet in Naypyidaw on Monday, despite the Tatmadaw’s (Army’s) claims that the November general elections had several irregularities, and its contestation (प्रतिवाद; the act of arguing or disagreeing about something) of the NLD’s landslide victory.
Ms. Suu Kyi had refused to bow to Gen. Hlaing’s demand that the results, which also saw the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party with a reduced strength in Parliament, be set aside (अलग रखना/खारिज करना; to decide not to consider something or to save for a particular purpose). Clearly, the Army, which still nominates a fourth of the parliamentary seats and retains the important Defence, Borders and Interior portfolios (विभागों; a particular in job or area of responsibility of a member of a government), felt it was better to dismiss the NLD government before it increased its clout (प्रभाव; power and influence over other people or events).
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Gen. Hlaing is due to retire this year, and it is possible that the move was meant to extend his longevity (लंबी उम्र/दीर्घायु; a long life or living for a long time) in power. Backed by a silent Beijing, the junta (सत्ताधारी सेना; a government, especially a military one, that has taken power in a country by force and not by election) leadership may also have gambled (दांव पर खेलना; to do something that involves risks and might result in loss of money or failure) that it was better to take drastic action against the democratic leaders before the new U.S. administration finds its feet.
The return to Army rule was also helped to some extent by Ms. Suu Kyi, who came to office in 2015, but has lost opportunities to put her country more firmly on the road to democracy. She has accepted a dual power system in the state. Daw Suu, as she is known, has also failed to bring democracy to her party, and been criticised for her autocratic style (एकतंत्र/स्वेच्छाचारी ढंग से; controlled by one leader who has total power, and does not allow anyone else to make decisions). Her refusal to rein in the Generals when the Tatmadaw unleashed (फैलाया गया; to suddenly release a violent force that cannot be controlled) a pogrom (सामूहिक हत्या/नरसंहार; an act of organized killing to a large group of people because of their race or religion) on the Rohingya between 2016-17, had lost the Nobel Peace laureate (पुरस्कृत व्यक्ति; a person who has been given an important job or a prize because of an achievement in a particular subject) much international support.
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Regardless of the reasons for the coup, the step is a setback (झटका; something that causes delay or stops progress) for the international community’s efforts to engage with Myanmar, after a strict sanctions regime (शासन व्यवस्था; a particular way of operating or organizing a system, an economy, etc.). For India, which had cultivated a careful balance, between nudging (धकेलते हुए/धीरे से ले जाना; to move slowly and almost reach a higher point or level) along the democratic process by supporting Ms. Suu Kyi, and working with the military to ensure its strategic interests to the North East and deny China a monopoly (एकाधिकार/एकाधिपत्य; something that is controlled by one person or group and not shared by others) on Myanmar’s infrastructure and resources, the developments are unwelcome.
The government will need to craft its response taking into consideration the new geopolitical realities of the U.S. and China as well as its own standing as a South Asian power, and as a member of the UN Security Council. New Delhi’s immediate reaction, to merely express “deep concern” and counsel following the rule of law and democratic processes, is unlikely to suffice (काफी/ पर्याप्त नहीं होना; not to be enough) as a long-term strategy.
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